Trade Union Unity - Marxist Workers Party

Originally appeared in Inqaba Ya Basebenzi No. 12 (November 1983-February 1984)

Editorial Board statement which was circulated in South Africa on 20 February 1984.

At the trade union unity talks last October, long-standing differences of attitude towards the formation of a new federation came sharply to the surface.

The occasion for the open-rift was not accidental – the discussion had moved from the stage of verbal generalities to the stage of practical commitment. Unions were expected to supply precise information about their organised strength, to enable detailed negotiations to take place, leading to the creation of one union in each industry, within one united federation.

When Saawu, Gawu and Macwusa/Gwusa representatives proved unwilling or unable to provide the necessary details, the representatives of Fosatu, Cusa, FCWU, CCAWUSA, GWU and CTMWA decided to continue the discussions themselves – if necessary without the participation of the first-mentioned unions.

In place of the previous ‘feasibility committee’, a ‘co-ordinating committee’ was formed comprising delegates from each union willing to submit detailed information, to discuss problems of demarcation and other issues.

Subsequently, the next round of unity talks scheduled for 13 November did not take place.

After the high hopes for unity raised by earlier progress, the apparently sudden setback in October, followed by the postponement in November, led to an atmosphere of disappointment among most workers.

Reports in the SA bourgeois press cultivated this mood – and it was not effectively counteracted by union leaders. On the whole, union members have not been kept fully informed about the precise difficulties in the way of unity – nor have they been involved adequately in the discussion of how these difficulties can be overcome. As a result, even union activists began expressing a general pessimism about the prospects for uniting the unions.

Most of the reports from workers which have reached the Inqaba Editorial Board in the past three months have reflected this pessimism. However, on studying detailed notes made during successive phases of the unity talks, it is clear that a high level of agreement on principle and on practical issues has been reached between the representatives of Cusa and Fosatu – the two industrial federations – as well as FCWU, GWU, CCAWUSA and CTMWA.

A sound basis still exists for the formation of a new federation which would include at least the major sections of workers organised in industry.

With the next round of unity talks scheduled for 3 March, Inqaba supporters in the various unions are asked to discuss with their fellow workers the points outlined below, and let the Editorial Board have their comments, as well as reports on the developing situation, as soon as possible.

(1) The rebuilding of the trade union movement by African workers over the past ten years has begun to raise the confidence and understanding of black workers generally that the working class has the power to win struggles against the class enemy, and the potential in due course to take on and defeat the bosses and the state.

(2) Workers seek the unity of the trade union movement in order to extend and build this power, and to test it in action. Progress towards trade union unity is a vital element in the morale and readiness to struggle of the entire working class – of the organised and unorganised workers, as well as the youth, the women at home, and the people working on the land. In turn, it affects the middle layers of society, who can be won to the side of the working class when the workers’ movement demonstrates its power and vitality in action.

(3) The divisions in the independent, democratic trade union movement have arisen from the different beginnings of organisation in different areas over the past decade – but these differences have been hardened and deepened in the recent period, not by any fundamental differences among the rank-and-file, but by rival ambitions, ideological standpoints which are not clearly worked out, and conservative narrowness of outlook on the part of some union leaders seeking merely to safeguard their own positions in the face of the tidal movement of the working class which is now arising.

(4) In standing for the unity of the trade unions in one national federation, we must urge upon all union leaders the utmost flexibility and readiness to compromise on secondary organisational issues, while standing firm on the need for:

democratic workers’ control of every union;
opposition in principle to racial division of the working class movement;
the freedom of different political tendencies in the working class movement to put their point of view before the workers, subject to the discipline in action of abiding by majority decisions democratically made.

(5) The setback in the October unity talks (with the open rift between Saawu, Gawu and Macwusa/Gwusa on the one hand, and Fosatu, Cusa, FCWU, CCWUSA, GWU and CTMWA on the other) has disappointed the hopes of workers for an all-embracing federation. Exploiting this situation, the strategists of the capitalist class, their press and their state, have tried to propagate the idea that trade union unity is now unachievable – and (so they hope) break the momentum towards unity on the part of the organised workers. It is necessary to fight against this view.

(6) In reality, there is still a favourable prospect of forming a new federation which would represent a significant step forward for the trade union movement, and so advance the longer-term prospect of wider unity. A new federation could now be formed comprising at least the workers in the main industrial unions – which would include the vast majority of organised black workers. This will be possible provided that the pressure of the rank-and-file workers for unity is kept up, and the necessary political will and clarity of purpose prevails on the part of trade union leaders.

(7) Industrial unions the backbone. The backbone of a new federation – which, it is generally agreed, must comprise one national union in each industry – would consist primarily of Cusa’s National Union of Mineworkers plus the major industrial unions of Fosatu fused together with their Cusa and other equivalents. Around this backbone, the flesh of a mighty united federation of labour could form (allowing also for one or more general unions covering only those sectors of workers who do not fall into any of the main industrial demarcations).

(8) United Front policy. If Saawu, Gawu or Macwusa/Gwusa remain initially outside a new industrial federation, what policy should be followed towards them by those who do join?

Firstly, a genuine fraternal invitation to these unions to bring their forces into the new federation should be maintained at all times, despite the bitterness and even hostility which has developed in the recent period.

Secondly, a clear distinction must be drawn between union leaders who obstruct unity and the rank-and-file who need and want unity. A hostile attitude towards the members of Saawu, etc., must not be allowed to take root in the ranks of the new federation – for only the enemies of the working class will gain from that.

Thirdly, it is vital that the leaders of all unions entering into – or preparing to enter into – a new federation should maintain a policy of calling for unity in action with the unions which remain outside. For this purpose a national program of action on minimum wage and other demands should be put forward. Also, the creation of local solidarity action committees should be supported for the purpose of cementing unity at rank-and-file level, and for extending the hand of co-operation, and the invitation to joint struggle, to the workers of unions remaining for the time being outside the framework of the new federation.

Only by means of such an active policy can the ranks of those other unions be persuaded to bring their organisations into the new federation, and the efforts of some leaders to sow hostility and frustrate unity can be overcome.

(9) In the course of forming a new federation:

(a) Priority should be given to fusing together the present rival industrial unions, on a basis of “one industry, one union”, under democratic constitutions. Key here are the industrial unions of Fosatu and Cusa – plus FCWU in the food industry, the component parts of GWU in engineering, transport, etc. To achieve this fusion, direct discussions between the industrial unions themselves are also necessary.

(b) The main industrial unions (foremost among them the NUM and Mawu) should take the lead in proposing practical measures (inside Cusa and Fosatu, and also publicly), to get the federation under way as soon as possible.

primarily in proportion to the authenticated membership of the various industrial unions, etc., which comprise the federation;

but also with some weighting to ensure a voice for the smaller unions.

(d) To resolve the conflict over whether representation at federation conferences/congresses should be according to paid-up membership or signed-up membership, a compromise should be sought

giving recognition to the aim of ensuring fully paid-up membership as a criterion of union strength,
but also recognising that, in some industries and some areas, especially where stop-order facilities are denied or where repression is very severe, this criterion alone would not fully reflect the strength or fairly represent the membership of unions concerned.

One way out of the conflict could be

to guarantee (as a minimum) representation according to paid-up membership, and
to allow additional representation in respect of non-paid-up members where the union concerned is able to satisfy a control commission (consisting of worker leaders from several unions who enjoy the trust of the whole movement) that the additional members claimed are, despite not being paid-up, authentically organised union members.

A method such as this could ensure fair representation, e.g., to trade union members in East London, mineworkers in Bophuthatswana, and so on, without details which would endanger them being publicly revealed.

(10) Subordinate disagreements, e.g., on whether officials should be allowed to be included with voting rights on delegations; on whether funds should be accepted from abroad, and how funds of the federation should be controlled; on whether regional structures (acknowledged to be necessary) should have formal decision-making powers, etc. – if such questions cannot be settled in advance, at least temporarily, through compromise – should be left to be decided by argument and voting at the first federation conference/congress, when rival proposals can be put in the form of resolutions before the delegates, or where alternative versions of particular clauses in a proposed constitution can be submitted.

(11) The main point to stress is that the unity of the trade unions – if it is to be real – must be based, not so much on paper formulas and complete unanimity at the top, as on the active solidarity in struggle of the unions’ ranks. Therefore the key to the progress of the trade union movement remains its political leadership and direction, which must be embodied above all in a program of action and a united front policy. For this the leaders of the main industrial unions, the “heavy battalions” of the labour movement – especially the NUM and Mawu – have the main responsibility. It is a responsibility not only towards their own members, but to the movement as a whole.

Continue to Part Four